•57f 



SPEECH 



880 
i79 



OF 



M R. ,ST A N T O l\ , F T E N N ESSE E, 



orf TQ B 



OREGON QUESTION 



OELITBRKD 



IN THE HOUSE OF REPRKSENTATIVEW, 



J AMJ AK Y 14, 1 S4 6. 



WASHINGTON: 

PfUNTKD AT THE UNION OFnCS. 

1846. 



fr^o 



S P E E C Ff . 



On the rctoitUion giving the twelve months' notice for the termination of (he 
joint ocatpanctf of the Oregon territory. 



X u. :! . 



wlio have prrredcil me in i 



. ;ir- 

..ii na- 

•1.'. Ani^n- 

lo the ju8- 

• -vrn nc- 

,-. I 

•II, ill oniit- 
. fXfrpt in- 
to nnjr ■*• 



Mr. STANTON was cntiUod to ihe floor, and Mr. Chairman, (here seenw to be little rtircnitv of 
(*Arr a moment's interruption) proceeded to addrcaa I opinion here, aa to the qtimtion of u- -^ 

the rommitlcc. j Grent Kntnin •M \hf Uniird SLiiea. I 

Hesaid: r' ' 

Mr. Cmairma.v : In the intense anxiety of nu-, ; 
roeroua members of the Houhc to address the Com- ' . 

tniitce ur>on this momentous question, n proper e»- t 
timate of my [>erAonal position and influenre would 
require me to listen raihcr than to speak. A dis-> tioixi in rckicn 
cusaion of this charuclcr, muintAincd for so lone a ' ean continent, 
time, roust have nn important and in ' " ' " - '' ^ 
ence upon the buuiiie<>8 occupation!- 
the people of ijii.s vast country. Bir 
great as it is, and by no means to \>c nrerlookcd or 
acapised, is but dust in the balance, compared with 
tlKMW ^rarer ronscquenccs which will result to this 
country and the world, if tht fears of many gentle- 
men should l>e realized, and war should follow. 
Scupendous rorilicta of nations and jryncms — con- 
flictH which will shake, not only this country, but 
thu ^lol>e to its centre — may posaiLly hang upon the 
iasue of ihi«« deh«rf. 

I api' " . :.eimin» m.-" 

tude, V. lic sliRht !■ 

ence my ■•■ .,..,.; to hnv •■ 

apon this Mouse or the country, yet, p . 

« tfistri<*t of Rome im|xirtancc, both in i 

111' ■ "imrrria I interestn — a diwiriri r*jii., 

ir of the people of a Statr mho»f 

Ka\c ne.juircd some laurels m war, os well ns j- 

diatinclion in the more quiel walks of (irn 

»<iitf RmiiLship — I feel it to be my duty to ir<»ul>i' 

coi :ih my Tieu's upon the subject 

«: lion. The people of Tenr»v»«»^ 

not L-c l-'orkwanl to express their ■ 

will not be fearful to miuniam ih' 

manner nnd '.- •■ ■ ■■•-■-- ••«"•■■• •■ 

require. Ix; 

for those of i^ ^ i 

ie<l as a inerubtr ut' ihe umc party. I !•' 

can speak also for tho~! «i»h whom I 



Utwtcii II. L- iw. 
months. Thu 



It la asacrtrd, or.d vrhri: 
•idr of th*" Hn«'*, th'^t 'i. 



t >i\ the one hittid |{eiilJ«ii<rii 
fnke no "ti^i fur the extension 
•« in (>n>!joi 
he other h 



rot 


thus 
least to 

,!l r:.^ 

■J » 


aaaoci 


rt ■ ' 




iiwr 






at 

ah-^ 


hear 

n,-.t I) 


inr 




th 


ar' 






iin a:. 




l! 




ii: 


-.11 '11 



>ir»ll 

.i,lr' 



<■, t>) endeavor tn 

"» •h»'m of ererr 



I maintain, air, that the notice in v ynxw d to bt {iv 



en to Gr«at Britain CAnnot, of itself, be considered a 
W&r aneasure. The rival claimants themselves have 
incorporated into the convention, which we seek to 
terminate, a provision authorizing either party, at 
any rcoment, to do the very act which these resolu- 
tions are designed to effect. How can it be a wur 
measure simply to perform the solemn stipulations 
of an existing treaty? So far from such a conclu- 
sion being; at all justifiable, there is, on the contrary, 
not the least unfriendliness in the measure recom- 
mended by the President, and reported by the dis- 
tinguished chairman of the Committee on Foreign 
Affdirs. It is a stipulated right, which England may 
exercise at any moment without any provocation to 
«s, and which we may likewise claim without giv- 
ing her any just cause of offence. Is not this prop- 
osition clear? And yet gentlemen have repeatedly 
and boldly asserted the contrary. I demand to know 
•why this measure is called u war measure? I re- 
quire, at least, someattemptat plausible reasoning to 
BUBtain the assertion. 1 have listened with the utmost 
attention to the arguments of some of the most dis- 
tinguished gentlemen on this floor. I heard them 
assert again and again, that this measure is equiva- 
lent to war, and I hoped they would allege some 
reason for the assertion. I was wholly disappointed. 
This assumption was made the basis of almost the 
■whole of their arguments, and yet, I must confess, I 
■was unable to see the strength of the foundation 
upon which thfiir beautiful superstructures were 
reared. 1 maintain, sir, that the burden of proof 
and of argument rests upon them. Before we can 
assent to their proposition, they must make at least 
a primnfncie case, and show why a measure pro- 
Tided for in the existing convention between the 
contending parties, can be considered a warlike pro- 
cedure. I invite any gentleman to take up the ar- 
gument v/here they have left it, and make good the 
assertion which they have evidently failed to sus- 
tain. 

The distinguished and eloquent gentleman from 
A]aba;iia [Mr. Yancey] asserted that the convention 
■'.'cas adopted as a substitute for war, leaving: the in- 
ference to be drawn, that in the absence of the con- 
Teriiion, war must necessarily have follovved. I can- 
not admit cither the statement or the inference. It 
does by no means follow, tl^at because the two na 
tions could not immediately agree upon terms of 
adja.stment, war must necessarily ensue, without an 
agreement for joint rights within the disputed terri- 
tory. I consider the conventions to have been un- 
fortunate concessions on our part, tending to lengthen 
and complicate the ncjrotiations, and to delay and 
render more difficult anil dangerous the final adjust- 
ment of the question. I; was an expedient, adopted 
in an evil hour, to put off a matter which must have 
forced a speedy and peaceable .settlement of itself, had 
it not been the eu'ject of these unfortunate agree- 
ments. 

The same gentleman also declared that "Eng- 
land's rejection of our offers, proves that war would 
liave followed but for the conventions" There 
is as little founda'ion for this as.'iertion as for 
the other. If this proposition be true, its con- 
Terse may likewise be affirmed; and it follows, 
tJ)at we would have gone to war upon our 
oiyn rejection of England's offers. But, sir, the 
rejection of on offer, on one side or the other, 
does not preclude further offers, nor does it ne- 
cessarily imply that the parties will then resort to 
the last dreaid alternative of war. It does not pre- , 
Ckidelhe possibility that one party will, at the crili- 1 things it ts wrong. "^Sir, the magnetic wjrea cannot 



cal moment, abandon its unjust claims, and lea've tk* 
other to the enjoyment of its rights. Surely, sir, 
there is nothing m these assertions which can estab' 
lish the propriety of entering into, or continuing, 
an agreement, the only effect of which has been, and 
will continue to be, to involve the parties in rela- 
tions more complex and difficult of settlement than 
before. 

Nevertheless, sir, I must acknowledge that, if 
England persists in attempting to hold all the terri- 
tory north of the Columbia river, or any portion of 
it south of the 49th parallel of latitude, war must ne- 
cessarily came. But this will be not on account of 
notice; war will ensue 'under these circumstan- 
stances, with or without notice. We can never sub- 
mit to such a claim on the part of K'ngland. The 
war which she may wage in asserting that claim 
will be a war of aggression and invasion — a war 
which we must meet, as we would sternly meet the 
invader of this Capitol. I say it would be a war of 
invasion. And to show my exact meaning, I must 
be permitted to digress here for a while, to make 
some statements in reference to the title. I hold 
that England has no just title to any portion of Or- 
egon. But her most plausible ground of preten- 
sion would be by that of contiguity, extending her 
possessions in North America by the 49th parallel 
to the Pacific. Now, if the Canadas actually ex- 
tended on the line of 49° to the Rocky mountains, 
and the English government were actually pres- 
ent with its people and its power on the north 
of that line, and the two nations stood upon 
equal footing in regard to other sources of title, then 
England might justly claim to extend her territory 
on that line to the ocean. But none of these condi- 
tions actually exist. The Canadas do not extend 
on that line to the Rocky mountains — England is 
not present with her people and her government oa 
this continent, and she does not stand upon an equal 
footing as to other grounds of title. The country 
contiguous to that part of Oregon, north of 49°, is 
the possession cf the Hudson Bay Company, and 
cannot be extended by this principle of contiguity. 
The argument in this respect has lately been placed 
in a strong light. That company is a mere incorpo- 
ration, and is subject to the limits prescribed by its 
charter, which is the law of its creation. That char- 
tar originally confined the company to Hudson's 
bay and its tributaries; and these limits cannot by 
any torture of construction be extended to those wa- 
ters which fall over on the other side of the Rocky 
mountains into the Pacific ocean. An artificial per- 
son, a corporation, cannot overleap its prescribed 
powers ; it cannot therefore extend its territories by 
the principle of contiguity. This is a well-settled 
principle of English common law; it is a principle 
which may well be adopted — indeed must be admit- 
ted, into the law of nations. 

But I assume higher ground; I maintain, if this 
principle did not stand in the way — if the charter of 
the company as originally granted did not circum- 
scribe its limits within that vast basin in the upper 
part of North America of which Hudson's bay is 
the centre, still it is not just, it never can be admit- 
ted, that a nation on another continent shall extend 
its possesions on this by contiguity. If the Canai- 
das themselves bordered on this disputed country, 
and the circumstances of the two countries were 
otherwise equal, 1 should earnestly disput* the ap- 
plicability of this principle. In the very nature of 



• xtrnded aeroM the AtlanUc ocMn — Ui« all per 
idm|r influence of electririiy jg mopped there, and 
• t myiterious roice ia ilMwncd in the noiar nf ihr 
ir^r that lx-«i« our shore. Im •! 
f Engl ind mon- prntu.iiny nn ! 
jnivfrsnl ngrnininxi' ii'i'in-il- (>; ; 

:aiiona of her power circulate around the whole 
■•, (like those mi|;hty rurrenia which fivr- pr. 
y u> ih* earth and direct the needle,) 
\ ry inU;re«i, in erery Innd, to turn tremhli 
.f fr.. n,^A point 111 London r.t ■• ■ 
m? Do 114 ini/i 
inn, over all Imui , 
i.ouiitneH, and divide tliein with ronti^u- 
■ ■<, l>er:iu*c ahe has a f.»nthoId l»y their 

iirier to 
•i — thf 

ixain^ Yn.stoliyii*es, lorlmic 
•f-nt shall hiv rt':'"M on 

V, or by jiiy iiiiier id- 

iral principle whatever. 

1 ■'<> rnrry out on il. 

, the )iriiicif>!eN whirl; 

^ord in her Kiist In!.. .., 

■■>n. It reoiitiii:* to be seen whether, when di 

I'T fails, ahc will attempt to use the aame 

'•• The Unilid H'.airn owe it to thein- 

/ owe it to thia rnniinent, and the world 

■►'•• 'tnplirntion of those principle*!. The 

I World, upon the di.tcovery of ihit 

'.J principlea for ita division anionic 

clvt*, li.cy may have bren Ijound to rnch 

' for the mnintrnance uf thnsf prioriplrn. Nor, 

; may hav<- md wis* in 

to «ijch r ,nt as they 

wild and ;...., ...I rouninrs 

M liicy anught to appm;>riotc. Yet it does not 

» 'hit we are to l>e Ixi'lm! hy thr»c .-nnvi'ii- 
• lis. Our r- 
.'It Wehn- 



Iprutelf and opportuoclj aaMrted io the face of Um 
*orld. 
If th-r" »># nny fonv in my reaaoninir^Mr. f^air- 
r inreren-c that a war |'ru»- 
' f-jr any part of Oregoa 

i- • • '■ - ■' •" i;,'<re«sion. And it would 

1)0 a monstrous u»urpaiion, a groim «o(J \,\mai- 
ii^Z ahame to humanity, surpacainir all tha 
inds of ordinary crimr, if England should 
'•rmine to ware wnr upon os for «>iy part of tho 
'" ' I. sir, I rcfie«l, 

h J^)vrrnrnent, 

the war must 

i! notice. Enf;Und 

A 'd— lo Heaven— for 

f« of auch a war. It 

nr of fearful ni:t|riiitode 

' ' i.iud 

i- 

lU 

nny hrr cnmes were rrprrsenl- 

I nf h'lmsn ikuHs.' I ««y, nr 

Ixraru, living, 

as they are 

.... .. .......^ .,^...i.., -.; .i.^ lolling, fighting 

millions! 

(t ia said, if this war cornea, it will be no nrdioa- 
ry war. It will l>e a war in which th« despotisnta 
of the Old World will a(ruf:;le in dejuily conflict 
with the freedom of the Now. And i'. has been a»> 
Kcrted here that in tht« • .<. trxt lilk«riy will bile tii« 
ground, and go down forever. Sir. those who tak9 
this View leave out of the CalculnKwi one moat im- 
portant ele men f. They nerm to fnr^- tliM w. *-haJl 
tiavc the ■■■. ■ _ 

ih.it the I ., 

and wh.. ,, ,- ,u^ 

try from ■ ntotbat 

''•'*'«•" " . , ^^mk^, 

not wiiiiiigly Uii;<: III the raiivr «f tyranny 

St that of fr«>*Jnm. They for»e( t'l"! Ir--'art4 



dlld will 
wouM I" 
ih.- 



Did Hum 

ed liy n 



j'i 


ami 
re«- 


an.) 
ad. 









■'■ ihn coDitoent. mid nriiher reason nor authn- 
^ ill admit that the eovernment of any unap- 
1 1'rd portion of it should be tranaferred to a 
t naii.in. 

•pe I shall be understood, f do not mean 
iopt that ip^und of title which has l>een n 
i h^^rr ^ V some i^cntlcmen, under the impoain^ 

' drs.'my. It was the manifral de<»-l voraUle to ua •.« Mm, 
;o dprrafl her empire over a lsr»e I ►»«• fearful to us. it i« 

' \-tn But th 1 ■ 

ilftlmrnt s' 
in iWfir ! 
■■r does it justify the nr 
'e» by whirh It has hr. 
I poaaMraa t 
> not make 



virt »«r. Wt ucfCr 



..r Lv .K 



.r 

sr 

*. I 
Ith 

•f 



i« one of ih.-»r |>ri>|->«iii--ns of which the Imrc ! this •• an nf^ ii. 
i-nt carries mnvirtion to the mind It is an I mad* Man ha 



•ie. in •tfect, which .Mr. .Monroe aUlcd whM 

iied the right of Kuro|^««n nauona lo nake 

r colonica on thia conttnt-nt, arid which the 

uicnt, in hia Ulc message, hna again so appr»- 



., ur|¥]*«i, t/ r_ 

■ u re . • A nd ; n 

;..'.c _..■ ROW apirit* «;*..;» ... ..,,. c-(..i... »Q«ia' 
Ul*enUotM^ aaeOAMd by acienttfr atinda a»4 ap- 
proy'4 by pnnkai mm, will aaparvada any foniMr 
combmaiwa of ibreaa. Md nutm tkt boaiaJ Bnt> 
uh navy MB|«nUT«(7 dwBCf tmi p om ttk mk. 



V ikis |;oveniment may not have the wisdom to 
adopt them. That remains to be seen. At all 
events, sir, wc never can, perhaps we never ought, to 
be better prepared for war than we ure at present, 
except when the occasion itself shall imperiou^y de- 
mand the preparation. It is only at a crisis like 
this, wlien we shall be suddenly brought into dan- 
ger of conflict with other powers, that our sluggish 
energies will be awakened. Let the hour of action 
come, and thi.s great nation will create fleets and col- 
lect armie.?, with a celerity whicii will astonish the 
world. Sir, 1 hope the occasion will not come; I 
believe it will not; I know it cannot, uiile.ss Eng- 
land shall wantonly invade our rights. 

But gentleman, in this debate, have endeavored to 
look into the future, and calculate the consequences 
of war to our free institutions. Doubtless war must 
tend to strengthen the central power, and it cannot 
by any means be the element in which our institu- 
tions will flourish best. I deplore the havoc, the 
exhaustion, the taxes, the debt, that must be 
the result of such a struggle. Yet our coun- 
try was nurtured in war. Our institutions took 
their very start from the tumuk of the battle- 
field, and they have since been tried by another 
stern ordeal, in a conflict with the same powerful 
peoj)le. If it should be our fate again to be invol- 
ved in the same calamity, does any gentleman be- 
lieve the result will be less glorious than in the two 
former wars? If such fears steal into our hearts, the 
battle is already lost. Ifwemustgo into the con- 
flict, let us at least go witli our usual confidence in 
the stars which have ever led us to victory. 

I have argued that the proposed notice is not in 
itself a cause of war, and I think I have fully sus- 
tained the position. But gentlemen may say, al- 
though notice Itself may not be a suflicient provoca- 
tion, the measures contemplated afterwards will be 
the cause of ho.stilities. What measures? Will it 
be the extension of our laws over our citizens in 
Oregon? England has long since done the same 
thing. Will it be the erection of forts within the 
territory: England already has there iier fortified 
stations. What measures have been proposed 
which can possibly be objected to? Is it the occupa- 
tion of Oregon by emigration from the United States? 
If this be tiic fancied aiuse of war, I do not see why 
we, who desire to give the notice, can be more re- 
sponsible for it than they who oppose it; for not one 
of the opponents of this measure has fciiled to say 
that our population would finally .settle the right to 
tlie whole of Oregon. Then, it I understand them 
correctly, they are for occupying the whole 
of Oregon as well as. we. Some of them, in- 
deed, have expressed a perfect willingness to 
do everything that has been proposed, except the 
giving of this notice. I cannot but think there 
)3 some little inconsistency in these two po- 
sitions. If those measures will excite England to 
war tcitii notice, will they not do so icUhoul nolice? 
Might not England, perhaps, complain of a viola- 
tion on our part of existingtreatystipulations? And 
would not this be a pretext for war, which would 
not exist after the treaty siiall have been terminated 
by the the stipulated notice? 1 ask, sir, what we 
have proposed to do, that all other gentlemen in this 
House are not willing to do, leaving out of view the 
notice? There is nothing, sir; and as the notice, of 
itself, is evidently not war, Uiose gentlemen arc as 
ready to plunge the country into a war as we, 
for they would do everything of a warlike nature 
which we propose to do. 



Mr. Ohairmnn, I do not belieye this notice will 
produce war. I believe, on the contrary, it will 
tend to hasten the peaceable adjustment of the ques- 
tion. Am I required to say why I believe this? I 
might well answer, that we have been negotiating 
under the existing convention for more than a quar- 
ter of a century, and yet we have made no progress 
whatever in the business. I might well argue that 
our experience has proved that the conventions, so 
far from assisting the negotiations, have retarded 
them. Sir, during this long period, the life of a gen- 
eration, diplomacy has exhausted itself It is time 
to cease this diplomatic trifling. It is time to assert 
our rights, and firmly to maintain them. In order 
to do this, we must change the face of things. We 
must alter the circumstances by which we have 
heretofore been fettered. We must brush away the 
cobwebs which have been suffered to be woven over 
the subject, obscuring the vision both of England 
and ourselves. I ask if there be not force in this 
position? We have tried negotiation under 
these conventions, for a period long enough tx) 
have settled a dozen such questions, if there 
had been any real disposition on both sides 
to settle it. Shall we not now try what 
success we shall have in the absence of these 
conventions? This course commends itself to our 
judgment. We have tried the one with complete 
failure — now let us try the other. May wc not at 
least hope for better success in the altered circimv- 
stances? What will be the force and power of the 
new circumstances which we piopose to bring 
about' When this notice shall have been given, the 
United States and England will stand untrammel- 
led — relieved from all embarrassing agreements what- 
ever — naked before the world — each standing upon 
its own proper rights. They will stand face to fjice, 
looking each other in the eye, and perfectly cen- ■ 
scious of the dread alternative which will follow a 
failure to adjust the dispute by a treaty. They 
will deeply feel the absolute and pressing necessity 
of amicable action. Shall we not bring it to this 
crisis? Does any one fear it? I acknowledge it ia 
dangerous; but not more dangerous than a tardy and 
temporizing policy. Here are Sylla and Charybdis- 
We must pass. Shall wc not grasp the helm stern- 
ly and firmly, trusting to our prudence and skill to 
guide us through the dangerous abyss.' — or shall we 
beat about listlessly, backwards and forwards, un- 
certain what shall be our course, yet perfecdy C9H- 
scious that sooner or later we must endure the periL' 

Sir, when things shall be brought to this pMit, 
must war necessarily follow? In the 19lh ceotury, 
with all its boasted civilization and n".orfi;i:y, must 
two great nations fear to come up boldly to thejid- 
justment of a great question, lest a deadly conflict 
may ensue? Can England go to war in the fac^ of 
the late correspondence between her minister and 
ours? I a.sscrt she cannot, she will not. To nisnn- 
tain that she will, argues a want of confidence in 
the strength of our title, which nearly every gentle- 
man here has admitted to be clear and unqucstiopa- 
ble. When England shall see that this long eigst- 
ing negotiation must be settled, promptly and faijjyi 
she will be willing to make a settlement of it, whjch 
we may honorably accept. The honorable gentle- 
man from Georgia, [Mr. Cobb,] who comes tothf 
same conclusion that I do, said the other day, |Jal 
England would never accept the proposition M^d< 
by Mr. Polk. Doubtless she will not, so lonfia; 
this convention shall remain. Perhaps it is notffi 
interest to do so. Aeitlier will she, as Mr. Folljii 



h'm mtwmf^- dtdaret, mAke any off«r vhkrh we foM 
«••«>' But, Hir, I hnve but lit'.' 

if, « venlion iihall be irrmin •< 

pren' hall prcjw ii[)On herwr. 

of a TTiative. uhe do not ;! ■. i ■ 

H'U!' ■■ rniB which ought to l>u ^.r. :.i ■ 

<. I do not mean that kHc will be fni^hiriK-d <>r 
• d into terms; but I mean, that nhe will !»<• 
Bwaypd by tlie same motives whirh •ui'jlit to fiwny 
ua — a di'urr i'. u\oid wnr, and to Bilj'Hi (he diffinil- 
ty up'vi . ' I ; liut shall be fair anJ h<>n«fi. A din- 
ung>. man from Virginia, [Mr. HiNTunj 

has - i not njnc to ^ivr tliis noUce, he- 

eauje, if I', w ill not brinjj war, it will forrc the srtlle- 
menl of the nutation ii|>on thckiais of die 4'.)th par- 
allel, nnd he It no wfll aaiiafied of iJieiitni "'■ '' 
our t.il'- lo the whole, thai he would deplon 
•ettletii'Mt oC the dispute. Suppose, nir, t; ■ 
steamer from Flngland ahoiild brin^ the ncwx in uu- 
ihentic form, that the Britioli government had in- 
•tnicted Mr. Pukcnham to ociept the late olTcr of 
our government, whii:h he did not arcepi when 
nade: wlmt would wc then do = Would that gen- 
tleman — would any other gciitlenuui on thiii floor — 
take thr nrponsibility of rrfuiiing such an opportu- 
nity ' 'tflhia dangrroua btiainem ? Could 
any i')n juoiify itaelf before the rountrv, 
by ail' 11 .1 iioii, iM auch an emrrgenry • I knowt.-' 
what in:iv be the feeling:* of ilw I're.iident on id 
■ubjcri; but. for my own part, I should li^ittf' 
long. I nhould reflect deeply, Ix forr I would sarn- 
ice the jiearc and pron{>crity of two i^rcat nation", 
upon BiKh .1 point. But Kngland nuisl art promi- 
ly and Kivrfdily. Delay will fully jusiify us in i. 
■crting "iir ri^lii to thf whole tcmiory. And if v^' 
fifht— w 'ImII certainly fight for the whole — ay, •<ii 
for nyrr. Wr ran make no more ofl"er«. On 
President haji offered as murh an any Prenidro! 
ought ever to have offered — more than one should 
CTcr ■ ■'" 

Di. do these gentlemen jiroiHjw to f 
the v.. Oregon, by miuntaiMing the pr»«i > 
posture ol aiiiurs - In the exiHting coiiveDtin: 
laTOrable to UK or to England, .<*o far a.'« the i 
aion of ihe rn«nirv i."« iw>n<Tmrd ' In my jiidgmr.ii, 
England i.>« »ir<nL'tfniiipe henelf erery day. Tlim 
1.1 yy,,. jj, Btp, ■•■■■ 

-. For. )>■ 
' ithrr our »'t' 
iniry to Kngiand by way of roin[>rt>iiiii"' 
■^nveni»'>o», whi<-h ernrcaaly re«cr%"c ti.' 
' V ojir title; yrt I 
'1 thin floor wh". 
%•,■•. 'lid not wimI. 
ihat the lu 

Wr I,... 



least remain as they will be nov upon the termina- 
tion of ihia conreoiion, since it will not better them 
to continue it. 

Rnt >f ;^ n.,i only in thia inannrr that England ia 

l.crsclfin the Oregon terriutry. She 

htt |i<>pulalion; ahe is creeling for- 

tiilr.iuunii; xhc is turning and manning iheni. It in 

well known there are no Ameriran nettiementa 

north of "V '' ' ' ' '— n riiizens 

will not ) nhould, 

under p, 'o do ao. 

But they wiii not do so, for the mmplo rrwaon that 

they do not (eel scctirc. Th«y are not aatiiified of 

the policy of this goreniment, in reference to that 

jHirt of the lerrittiry. Sir. they will not Kettle there 

..,,..1 ii,,^ ■" ' f rnment Mhall uke some «lrp which 

III of its aid and protection against 

I • ■ ■ ■ : , 

i have already said we could never consent to 
surrender any p«irtion nfthe territory below the 
49th nnrallt 1, and II ' !.. give my rea- 
Hon* for believing ti > plausible pre- 
text whatever forun. south of that 

line. Now, it i-« well known, and i believe fully ad- 
mitted, that unle.ia we obtain the country at least to 
thai line, we lose the moat valuable (Mirt of it — we 
;et no valuable liarboni — luid no far as the commer- 
- ' - ■■ ■•■' - - -'■' ■■'■■' "vrM 



tt 



J. 



asiii - 
vaTv 
half lb. c 
nor th< ,<■ 
rights o! 
avtr th< r 
upon ■ 
th« ; 
eoiw 
aa| ti. : 
pation.' 
that -^ 

Ian4 



'■ ■, I'.'iii not re 
' aim. it rid Oiirs' 



shemii^' 



wi:.^ 
inu'" 

N 



le we lime ottered li'r 
more. And »hr can aoy. 
If at least rntiiled to .<■• 



> a prc4icriplivc rigbl >inder liic oprraiiuti uf Uie 

' nlion. I deairc to prevent (his as for as poa- 

■luir. Let us give tb« notice in order to pravant 

Utiflgs from growing wonM with us. LeC tiJDp at 



null l>^iy L'umpuny, iiatin^ {locincMtoii uf Uiai part 

of the lerritory, what is to be the course of ourem- 

if thiiigv remain as they art.' I believe 

'11 wUl ill a great measure ceaae. It ban 

y the hope thai ovir government would take 

: step, and a.-Lvert our title, at Irusl to some 

f>ortion, if not to oil the territory, which 

iuui caused the stream of emigration to vi in that 

direction. C^an our people become strong ihere, if 

'■ •' ' ' . 1 in that 

: vantages 

\. . ' ■ for emi- 

>!iU fr«m tiie I'l, k that couo- 

,, under ^>ich >' i 'i" g^Tiileman 

from Vn ila- 

tion of or, ,nc 

...... „( 

■'*•- 

ky 

... 'I'lif r <iiu»l tinil be aettlad, 

rr ihe inf' ..e can poasibly be 

T".- • , • •■ :jiai 

y...".;.::'- In 

. ,.,• .1 • rl. 

iCf 
I .. ..:;an 

.1 t.iM I'oiUuuM in ilkat tt-rT':li>ry? 

ir ihe way for thetn: you muat r^ 

'■■■-■ - •< ^ •■ (1m, 

i. 
S9 
there. 

B«>?, *ir, mippo*^ th^ eonrention continued, and 

T . :.our 

■>• 

V. ..... ,, . . .- .... :, i .»e 

us the country without the • 'n, 

will she rive il to us wilh r' \'. ■■ her 

form? Will her people .loi. liicir sta- 

tions to ourK> Will Engl Hudson Bay 

Coapaar, caialj look on, anu see our paopia ailaat | 
\j or fbrably wi|i|iliiiiiif than, aad iImi, loe^vlMa 



8 



a convention exists between the two countries, 
guaranteeing some sort of equal rights to the citi- 
zens of both? By what sort of a process are our 
people to root out the British? Do not gentlemen 
know what the Hudson Bay Company ia doing? Do 
not gentlemen know the miUtary organization and 
formidable power of that monstrous corporation, 
which seeks to run the career of its great prototype, 
the East India Company, that operates just over on 
the other side of the Pacific? 

I tind, sir, in the fourth volume of the narrative 
of the exf)loring expedition, a copy of the obligation 
which the Hudson Bay Company requires of all its 
servants. They give their bonds "to devote their 
■whole time and labor to tlie service of the compa- 
ny," "to perform ail work or service, by day or by 
night;" "to obey all orders;" "with courage and 
fidelity to defend the property of said company — 
their tertilories and factories;" "to defend the rights 
and pivileges of said company;" "and, if required, 
to enrol as solditrs, and attend all drills and exercises 
necessary to acquire a knowledge of the duties re- 
quired," (fee. Here is a perfect military organiza- 
tion, and it exhibits very plainly what are the de- 
signs of that monstrous company. It warns us that 
our advancing tide of population will not be jiermit- 
ted to trespass upon what it considers its territories. 

Is not this the true state of things in that distant 
region? If it be not, why are our people calling. 
upon us for aid and protection? Why do our peo- 
ple all settle south of the Columbia? and why are 
they dependent upon the Hudson Bay Company 
for all their commerce? When will these things be 
altered, if this convention shall continue? When 
will our people begin to settle north of the Columbia 
river? 

Bat, sir, England knows very well the situation 
of things in Oregon. She is, perhaps, better in- 
formed than we. If she is ready now to fight for 
this country — if she has made her determination 
rot to give it up without a great contest — and if we, 
as gentlemen suppose, are gaining by the existing 
arrangement — will she not terminate it herself? But 
when did England ever make the first movement 
towards that measure? Now this is a pkin prop- 
osition: if England wull go to war rather than 
yield us our rights, and if we shall certainly 
advance towards the acquisition of the territory, by 
the existing convention, then she will herself give ue 
the notice, which we hesitate to give her. Far- 
sighted as she is, she will bring on the contest now, 
before we shall have grown strong enough in that 
quarter to accomplish our stealthy design. If Eng- 
land does not now pursue this course, if she holds 
on to the convention, I argue that she, at least, does 
not believe time will benefit us more than her. 
And I, sir, am disposed to learn wisdom from her 
example — believing that where our interests are op- 
posite, our policy ought to be also. If she would 



LIBRftRY OF CONGRESS 

hold on to the 
nate it. 

It is, perhaps 
of the amendm* 

Alabama [Mr. ^ 

sequence. If 017 187 380" gj^j^ 

gentlemen allej;c, iv- ....^ ..., IBr 

the shoulders of this House, I have no dispositic 
thus to evade a duty which belongs to me. I &• 
cept my share of the responsibility, knowing thi 
whatever may be the consequence — whether peat 
or war ensue — the cause of our country is just ; 
the sight of God and man. But the amendment 
of iitile importance, since the President has ahead; 
in his message, told us he believes now is the aj. 
propriate time to give the notice. Should the reso 
lution, with the amendment, be adopted to-day, h... 
would give the notice to-morrow. It might weakc* 
the iniiuence of the measure upon the action c-* 
Britain. She might well suppose tliat the legislaturt 
of the nation had exhibited less firmness than the 
Executive, and that it would tremble, in a certair, 
contmgency, to sustain him by those ulterior meas- 
ures which the crisis might render indispensable. * 
hope we shall present an unbroken front — that vi 
shall fully sustain the President, not only in t\ 
noble stand he has already taken, but in all othi 
measures which the honor and security of our con 
mon country may at any time require. 

Mr. Chairman, I have said all I have to say c 
this subflct. I cannot lay claim to any practical ej 
perience in statesmanship. The reasoning I hav 
attempted, has satisfied me that the proposed notio; 
cannot, of itself, affect the question of peace or war, 
and that every consideration of policy and interest., 
requires us to give it without delay. I respect th • 
opinions of those differ from me, and I sincerel; 
regret that such differences exist, I shall follow my 
own convictions with a due sense of the solem." 
responsibilities under which I act, leaving others th 
same liberty which I claim, without suffering mj 
self, for a moment to doubt their integrity, and pi 
triotism. 

1 solemnly believe that gentlemen who think wt 
will come are mistaken. I earnestly pray that peac 
may continue to waive her golden wings, and scat- 
ter her rich blessings over our happy country, an- 
that those bright visions, which gentlemen have pi( 
lured as destined to gladden our hearts, under th" 
auspicious eye of this hovering angel, may never b? 
blasted by the blood-stained demon of war. I wo 
the favor, and the continued presence of this guai ■ 
dian spirit, with rhy deepest devotion. I would sv 
crifice much; I would suffer much to detain her. Bi;' 
if she must depart — if she is destined to take ht 
sad "flight from earth to Heaven again" — then we' 
come the black tempest of war! Welcome its tei 
rors, its privations, its wounds, and deaths? W 
will sternly bare our bosoms to its deadliest shod 
and trust ia God for the result. 



LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 



017 187 380 ^ 



